The inevitable cannot be stopped; even if a crow caws a hundred times to warn of danger, nobody listens. All indications suggest that new provinces are about to be formed. Just as dozens of lessons were written on the causes of the decline of the Mughal Empire, not only elegies but much will also be written on the breaking up of provinces and the establishment of new administrative units, detailing the causes of their fracture. Despite being a praiser of politicians, I am compelled to say that the biggest reason is: “This house caught fire from the lamp of the house itself.” The provincial governors (chief ministers) themselves are most responsible for the breaking up of provinces and the creation of new ones. The lesson of history is that whichever provincial governor tried to become a king himself invited his own destruction. The chief ministers of the provinces have over time become the kings of their own princely states; instead of a fair distribution of the huge funds received through the National Finance Commission, they spend it at their own discretion and whim, not to mention lavish extravagances.
Discussions and debates took place with several powerful individuals, intellectuals, and technocrats regarding the creation of new provinces. Everyone knows the arguments of scribes since they keep being published in columns. The arguments given by those supporting the creation of new provinces—in which they cite the biggest proof of the system’s destruction—pertain to the financial and administrative performance of the provinces: in some cities of a province, the roads are mirror-like so that one can see their reflection, whereas in underprivileged areas, there are no roads at all; in some places, children are prosperous and healthy, while in poor settlements, children are weak and out of school. Regarding the destruction of the system, it is being reported that in one sensitive province, instead of posting officers from the federal service, all officers have been appointed from the provincial service so that they work according to the will and intent of the provincial governor; capable officers of the federal service have been forced to leave for the federation or other provinces. Recently, this province took away powers from the Inspector General of Police and started issuing orders itself, and this is happening at a time when this province and its provincial governor have already given a call to march on the federation. Such continuous confrontations between the province and the federation are living proof of the destruction of this system. A federal source disclosed that even regarding terrorism, the attitude of this provincial governor and their team is one of detachment, even though terrorism poses the gravest threat to the survival of the country.
The federal government is worried about another province where the development and construction of the cities of Karachi and Hyderabad have been continuously neglected. Two major political parties play the largest role in failing to resolve the contradictions between Karachi and rural Sindh; the political compulsions and political interests of the provincial governor do not allow giving priority to this city. In this province too, posting federal service officers to good positions is avoided. The provincial governor of a third province repeatedly demands that they need good officers from the federal service, but the law and order situation there is so bad that everyone fears for their life.
The administrative affairs of the largest province are certainly better compared to the rest, though not ideal. The deprivations of South Punjab and Bahawalpur, along with the non-availability of provincial funds there, were prominent issues. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif was born into a capitalist family, but his views are occasionally seasoned with a touch of socialism; that is why he used to passionately repeat Jalib’s verse: “We do not accept the rules of oppression.” The truth is that even when Shehbaz Sharif was not in politics, he used to travel in a small car without security and protocol; he has no desire to show off his wealth and stature. But every other provincial governor, whether Buzdar or any other flamboyant figure, must appear before the public with a whole entourage of protocol, aircraft, and security. Elders say that if a rich person lives in a poor settlement, they should either continuously give charity to keep the poor happy or prepare themselves for an attack by the poor on their home. The show of wealth and power breeds dislike and hatred. Unfortunately, provincial governors never kept in mind that they ought to keep their wealth and power concealed, as displaying it brings them more harm than benefit.
It is a historical fact that the country broke up over the issue of provincial autonomy. Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province (KPK), Sindh, and Balochistan faced issues of provincial autonomy on various occasions, which is why the 18th Amendment was passed to make the provinces and provincial governors autonomous and powerful, resulting in the federation becoming poor, weak, and helpless. The think tanks of the current setup were talking about new provinces from day one; the destruction of the system was also a metaphor for a “reset.” Technocrats favoring a reset say that empowering local government will not fix this system; its sole solution is the creation of new provinces. They repeatedly say that this system is simply unable to function. Corruption, inefficiency, laziness, and political high-handedness have become part of society; whatever is touched is either broken or about to break. It was for such a situation that Jaun Elia said:
Who will take care of this home?
Every day something breaks.
A debate took place with a major advocate of creating new provinces. Giving the argument of the delicate and sensitive nature of the situation, Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s statement came under discussion: “The situation is delicate; this is not the appropriate time to create new provinces.” When the possibility of postponing the big decision for now was discussed in this debate, the major proponent of new provinces burst out and said that whenever there is talk of reforming the system, it is put off with such excuses, and then that reform never happens. According to him, these compromises are the biggest cause of decline. He then said that if this matter is postponed now, it will never happen. According to him, there is already such resistance inside the provinces against this decision that the fear of bloodshed cannot be ruled out; but if this decision is made 20 years later, it will become impossible, as every province will adopt the attitude of a separate country for its own interests. In this regard, recalling an incident from President Zardari’s previous presidential term, a federal minister revealed that a provincial governor of a province was his classmate, and it was on his recommendation that he was made the provincial governor. One day, sensitive information was received that the provincial governor was angry and sitting at the top of a mountain (stubborn/unyielding); the issue concerned national interest, and he was standing opposed to it. The federal minister stated that he was terrified when informed that it was not beyond this provincial governor to put on the cloak of nationalism out of anger and make an announcement that would harm national security itself. According to the minister, after this incident, he withdrew his guarantee for the provincial governor, and a short while later, he was removed from his post.
Obviously, the story and stance given above are one-sided; there are counterarguments against it, and contradictory stories exist as well. However, among the arguments being used to convince PML-N and PPP regarding the creation of new provinces, these are the prominent ones. At present, the biggest controversy is over the new provinces; if this is settled, there is hope given that for now, matters will continue as they are. But if the system changes, a path for a change of faces will inevitably be paved.