In terms of the region of Punjab’s history, identity, culture, customs, and merits and demerits, Waris Shah’s “Heer” holds the status of an authority. Completed in 1766—about 260 years ago today—the introduction of the work “Heer” states:
Eih qissa mulk Punjab da e
Eis noon naal muhabbat pharol Mian
Meaning, this story of Heer and Ranjha belongs to the country named Punjab, and unfold or turn (open and read) this story with love. As if the most prominent trait of Punjab is love, and its geographical status is that of a country. The history connected to this verse of Waris Shah’s “Heer” tells us that in 1765, Afghan rule ended in Punjab, and the throne of Lahore was seized by two chieftains of the Sikh Bhangi Misl, Sardar Lehna Singh and Sardar Gujjar Singh. Interestingly, this was not a fight between Sikhs and Muslims, because the Afghan Abdali rulers’ governor, Diwan Kabuli Mull, was a Hindu; upon defeating him and his son Amir Mull, the Sikh Bhangi Misl came to power, and then this Misl remained in power for 30 years. However, in 1799, the chieftain of the Sukerchakia Misl, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, took over the power of Punjab’s largest city upon an invitation letter from influential Muslim citizens of Lahore—Mahr Muhkam Din, Mian Muhammad Ashiq, and Mufti Muhammad Mukarram—and until the arrival of the British in 1849, it existed in this manner as a country. It had its own army, its own foreign policy, and a specific perspective. The borders of the country of Punjab touched Kabul. Kashmir, Peshawar, and most of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa were included in this country. The British first separated the Frontier Province and Kashmir, and while leaving, divided Punjab into two parts as well.
I neither claim that Punjabis belong to a superior and high race, nor am I ready to accept them as lower or inferior to other races and nationalities. Punjabis, like their Pashtun, Sindhi, or Baloch brothers, have sometimes lost wars and sometimes won. This is how it has been in the history of the world. In Britain, the court language was sometimes French, sometimes the Romans and sometimes the Germans ravaged it, and at times Britain ruled the entire world. In Punjab, King Porus, Ahmad Khan Kharal, and Nawab Muzaffar Khan became symbols of resistance and bravery, while the likes of Raja Ambhi of Taxila chose the path of expediency and reconciliation due to fear and self-interest. There are stories of martyrs who remained loyal to the soil and mixed their blood into the five waters, and in history, stories of those who betrayed the soil and committed treason are also found.
In the creation of Pakistan, the Muslim-majority provinces played the most important role; in fact, the truth is that the provinces existed first, and the country was formed later. The provincial assemblies and leaders of Punjab and Sindh jointly decided in favor of Pakistan, in the Frontier Province the decision was made through a referendum, whereas Balochistan as a province came into existence for the first time only in 1970. Every province has its own history, and attachment to one’s homeland, province, or country is permissible even in religion. Love for one’s identity and culture, if based on opposition to or hatred of another, is called prejudice; along with pride in our Pakistani identity, loving the birthplace of Punjab is not a crime. I can properly understand the identity and history of Sindhis, Pashtuns, and Balochs only if I first know my own Punjabi identity. In present-day Pakistan, Punjab is the only province that was divided into two major parts at the time of the creation of Pakistan, where massacre and devastation took place. Regrettably, no Punjabi—neither Muslim, nor Sikh, nor Hindu—spoke out against this partition. Muslims were proud of the supremacy of their Muslim identity, and Sardar Tara Singh was bent upon linking Sikhs with Hindus. At such a time when no one spoke, Amrita Pritam, born in a Sikh family in Gujranwala, remembered Waris Shah and called out like this:
“Ajj aakhan Waris Shah noo, kiton qabran vichon bol
Te ajj kitab-e-ishq da koi agla warqa phol
Eik roi si dhee Punjab di, toon likh likh mare vain
Ajj lakhan dhiyan roandiyan, tainoo Waris Shah noo kehn”
(I say to Waris Shah today, speak from somewhere inside the graves, and unfold some next page of the book of love today. When one daughter of Punjab cried, you wailed in writing repeatedly; today lakhs of daughters are crying, asking Waris Shah why he is silent.)
Many accuse Punjab of exploiting smaller provinces, but the second side of the coin is that for Pakistan, where Punjab strengthened the country by sacrificing its lives through the army, it also sacrificed the identity of the Punjabi language and attire. Instead of Punjabi, Urdu is spoken in homes, and for a long time, the saree was adopted as the elite attire for women. Due to Punjab’s tradition of sacrificing everything for Pakistan, when talk of new provinces began, thunder, lightning, and a storm came from Sindh; the Muhajirs of Karachi also spoke loudly and intensely. Pashtun heirs, Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman and other leaders, also spoke out; Balochistan’s Chief Minister Sarfraz Bugti was also prominent in the debate; but neither the rulers, nor the politicians, nor the intellectuals of Punjab spoke. Neither did they speak in 1947 for the sake of Muslim interests, nor are they speaking in 2026 for the national interest. Neither is Amrita Pritam alive today—today’s poetess might be someone like Arfa Maryam, who is silent—nor is Waris Shah present today. Today is the era of “Musalhat Shah’s” (King of Expediency/Compromise) poetry and prose. Musalhat Shah has sealed his lips due to sensitivity and fear of public discord. If anyone were to speak, who would speak? All the Waris Shahs of Punjab are dead.
Every nation in the world has some form of prejudice; we too are victims of various prejudices. The disease of tribalism/factionalism pushed the Arabs from peak to decline and from peace to war, and the disease of prejudices, suspicion, and envy did not allow the inhabitants of the Indus Valley to progress. In the world, kingship and governance have always belonged to the wealthy, the brave, and the wise, but many envious people mock Punjabis by calling them “dhga” (foolish/ox). Sometimes, a Punjabi or Sindhi character in dramas is shown as the most simple-minded; in films, the brawling of Punjabis and the oppression of the feudal lord are depicted as Punjabi culture, but is Punjab really just this? The per capita income of two divisions of Punjab is the highest in the country; in the most powerful army of the Islamic world, the proportion of Punjabis has always been higher by percentage. For the past 300 years, most of the rulers of this region have been from Punjab; so, if they were behind in wisdom, how would governance have been possible? Whether anyone calls them traitors or agents, the truth is that in the sacrifices of life given by Punjabis in the conquest of Delhi in 1857, World War I, and World War II—according to Punjab’s Prime Minister Sikandar Hayat—British Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill had promised in Cairo to create a separate homeland as the blood money of Punjabis, which ultimately emerged on the horizon in the form of Pakistan.
Even today, Punjab will neither cry nor scream over being divided or sacrificed like in 1947; it will be sacrificed like an innocent goat if it truly benefits Pakistan. But if new provinces pose a threat to national defense, stability, and security, then it should not be done. It should be remembered that new provinces will be separate islands; Lahore and Gujranwala will still be Singapores due to their wealth and industries, and Bahawalpur or Rajanpur will be some country of Africa. Tampering with history and geography is even more delicate and sensitive than brain surgery; if the hands tremble anywhere, the balance will be upset, and if the balance is upset, the foundations of the building are shaken forever…