Since the martyrdom of Iran’s Supreme Commander, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the Muslim world once again stands at a crossroads. Whether supporters of the Iranian system or its staunch opponents, for all in the Muslim world it is a moment of reflection: should the Muslim world, like Iran, stand firm in resistance—make sacrifices like Gaza to such an extent that Israel and America are morally defeated by their oppression—or should it search for a path of dignified engagement with the West?
From the clash of civilizations, the Muslim world repeatedly returns to the same question that has been debated since the times of the First and Second World Wars. Ever since the Muslim world gained independence from the colonial system and more than 50 Muslim countries came into existence, the fundamental issue has remained the same: should the Muslim world compete with Western progress, civilization, and technology through authentic Islam and authentic Eastern identity, or should it adopt Western civilizational values, declare religion a private matter as in Europe, and transform Eastern society in a modern direction?
The fundamental contradiction between West and East is this very issue. Sometimes it is described as Islam versus its opponents, sometimes as democracy versus opposing ideologies, and sometimes as one seeking dominance over the other.
The destruction of Gaza, the devastation of Iraq, the fragmentation of Libya, extraordinary changes in Syria, and the martyrdom of Ali Khamenei in Iran… For a hundred years the same question has stood before the Muslim world like a cobra with its hood raised: which path should the Muslim world choose to safeguard its identity, security, and prosperity so that it may, like the rest of the world, move along the highway of peace and development without fear of threats?
The chain of prophets (peace be upon them) has ended. Now it is the duty of religious, political, and social leaders to choose a path for Muslims. In the past hundred years, Ghazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and many other leaders decided not to reject Western civilization and progress outright. The Kemalists, however, went quite far—they even changed Turkey’s script from Arabic to Roman. In dress, tailoring, and social life as well, they adopted Western styles; perhaps they thought that these were the reasons behind Western progress.
On the other hand, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Allama Muhammad Iqbal appreciated science and Western progress but were against blind imitation of the West. Jinnah and Iqbal saw no contradiction between democracy and Islam; therefore, Quaid-e-Azam adopted a parliamentary democratic system in Pakistan. Allama Iqbal was also in favor of ijtihad (independent reasoning) through parliament. The Constitution of 1973 was also the first such document in the world in which it was agreed to run the affairs of the state through a fusion of Islam and democracy.
On the other side, within the Muslim world, there has also been a strong tradition of completely rejecting the West, confronting it, and considering a return to original Islam as the best path. Religious seminaries for many years avoided teaching and learning English. Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, Jamaat-e-Islami of the Indo-Pak subcontinent, and many other Islamic parties presented Islam as a complete code of life and adopted policies aimed at implementing an alternative political and economic system in place of democracy.
After the Islamic Revolution in Iran, a model of governance was established according to Ja’fari jurisprudence in which the Supreme Leader—the highest religious authority—was made the top figure, and other institutions function under his supervision. In Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and many other Gulf countries, the monarchical system was maintained. In Algeria and some other Muslim countries, Islamic parties gained popularity; in Egypt and Algeria they even came to power, but due to severe disagreements with the Western world they lost power and saw imprisonment.
Iran’s religious government and the Taliban government in Afghanistan also face opposition from the entire West. Apparently, it depends on each country which system it adopts or runs, but the bitter truth is that in this world one cannot run one’s country while remaining hostile to the Western world. Malaysia’s Mahathir Mohamad, Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi, and Iraq’s President Saddam tried to challenge or confront the West, but they too did not achieve lasting success.
Iran’s case is similar. At one time it seemed that the Iranian Revolution was knocking at Saudi Arabia’s door. Together with Lebanon, Palestine, Iraq, Syria, and Yemen, a strong bloc had emerged; but in recent years that entire bloc has fractured. Russia could not prevent the destruction of any country, nor did China openly side with the Muslim world in its disputes with the West. After the martyrdom of Iranian leader Khamenei, once again the question stands before the Muslim world with its hood spread: “What is to be done now?”
Will the clash of civilizations continue? Can there be no cooperation between the values of East and West? Is Islam really a threat to the West? Can Muslim countries develop by fighting the West in the current situation, or can they progress by adopting a reconciliatory path? Did Osama bin Laden’s 9/11 bring more benefit or more harm to the Muslim world? Do the Taliban’s education policies and their policies regarding women present a positive image of Islam to the world, or do they have a negative effect?
On the other hand, the condition of the entire Muslim world is such that in knowledge, science, and technology we are a hundred years behind the Western world. In the inventions of the modern world, the Muslim world has no significant share. In Gaza and Lebanon, Israel’s Unit 2800 used artificial intelligence to selectively kill every prominent leader, including Ismail Haniyeh. In Iran, Israel and America can easily target whomever they wish. Due to the presence of traitors and advanced technology, Israel and America eliminated extremist leadership in the Muslim world without deploying even a single soldier on the ground. The leaders of the Muslim world who made grand claims could not even build a safe haven where they could remain secure. The entire leadership of the Taliban and al-Qaeda was also eliminated by operators sitting in America through drone technology. The Muslim world lags so far behind Western countries in knowledge, science, and technology that there is no comparison between the two.
If only the Muslim world had a wise leader—if a Ghazali or Ibn Arabi were to rise, or a Nur al-Din Zangi or Salahuddin Ayyubi were to emerge—who would teach the Muslim world science, knowledge, and technology and, for the time being, shift attention away from wars and conflicts toward prosperity, peace, and development.
Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib, though he called himself half a Muslim, was a visionary. That is why he advised Sir Syed Ahmad Khan not to look toward the Ain-e-Akbari anymore but instead to look at the constitution of the Western world. In Calcutta, he had witnessed Western science and progress with his own eyes. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, influenced either by his own experiences or by this advice, struggled throughout his life for Muslims’ Western education. Allama Iqbal’s teacher, Maulvi Mir Hasan, was a disciple of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan’s ideas and instilled those very ideas into Allama Iqbal’s mind. Then it was Allama Iqbal who conceived the idea of Pakistan. Thus, the chain of intellectual freedom and thought extends from Ghalib to Sir Syed, from Sir Syed to Maulvi Mir Hasan, from Maulvi Mir Hasan to Allama Iqbal, and from Allama Iqbal to the Constitution of Pakistan.
In the Islamic world, this is the only document that shows the way to keep both Islam and democracy together and to move forward by combining the ancient and the modern. Unfortunately, in Pakistan this sacred document is not valued, and the rest of the Muslim world still stands at a crossroads. We, having walked the path, lost our way. The plan of action exists—there is only a need to implement it.