The language and words of ancient civilizations possess such depth and history that translating them or fully explaining their meaning becomes almost impossible. The Punjabi word Pasuṛi is one such expression that is difficult to explain merely through the Urdu word uljhan (confusion) or the Hindi gaṛbaṛ (mess). Pasuṛi has been part of everyday Punjabi speech for centuries, but Ali Sethi, by singing about it in Coke Studio, not only immortalized this term internationally but also infused it with international, romantic, and spiritual meanings.

The country’s situation is once again in a pasuṛi; in fact, to be truthful, Tazadistan (the land of contradictions) is not trapped in one pasuṛi but in many pasuṛis, and no straight or easy path out of these pasuṛis is visible.

The political conflict began on personal grounds. Imran Khan started calling Nawaz Sharif and Asif Zardari corrupt; the establishment was also alongside him. Eventually, this narrative reached its peak, and Imran’s supporters began chanting “chor, chor” (thief, thief) in every street. The same formula was then applied to General Bajwa, who was branded with the titles of Mir Jafar and Mir Sadiq. Nawaz Sharif, Imran Khan, and their parties have neither forgotten crossing all limits nor are they ready to forgive. On the other hand, Imran Khan also believes not in reconciliation with these two parties but in burying them alive. After three years of continuous confrontation, it has become as clear as daylight that there is no possibility of dialogue, reconciliation, or consensus between PML-N and PTI.

The second dimension of the pasuṛi is the fight between Imran and his party and the establishment. First, General Bajwa was targeted, and then continuous attacks were launched against General Asim Munir. This shelling has destroyed all bridges on the way, and for now it is also settled that the pasuṛi between the establishment and Imran Khan is stuck in a complete deadlock.

There is also a pasuṛi within the state itself: the constitution contains certain issues due to which good governance, complete control, and authority cannot be achieved. This is why, from time to time, amendments become necessary to ensure that no pasuṛi stands in the way of state governance. The purpose of the 26th and 27th Amendments was to reduce the expanded role of the judiciary. The once gigantic judiciary has now been left with diminished powers. Lifetime exemptions and changes in the military structure aim not only at personal protection but also at eliminating pasuṛis in long-term planning. After the approval of the 27th Amendment, the establishment and the allied government have become strong, secure, and supreme; however, as a result, the remaining pillars of the state now appear weak and fractured. If one pillar of a state’s structure becomes powerful and iron-strong while the others become fragile, then either the state tilts to one side, or the weaker pillars withdraw from providing support.

A new pasuṛi has also emerged in reading and teaching international affairs. From international developments, state intellectuals have concluded that democracy, democratic order, and the protection of human rights have moved away from center stage on the global scene and have become part of the backstage. However, the Chairman of the United Nations Human Rights body perhaps still walks on the path of that old order and mindset; therefore, objections have been raised over the approval of the 26th and 27th Amendments. The pasuṛi of Tazadistan, which began with personal rivalries, is now being viewed through the lens of democratic versus authoritarian confrontation. Before the approval of these amendments, no objections to Pakistan’s system were raised from anywhere in the world. This is the first voice indicating that although President Trump’s era may refrain from interfering in Pakistan’s internal affairs, the entire world is not under Trump’s control. Europe and the United Nations have continued to criticize the systems of China, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia as well, and if Pakistan also moves toward forming a similar system, then at the very least moral pressure will come from Europe.

The pasuṛis of Tazadistan are both ideological and practical. For over a hundred years, democracy has been adopted as an ideal in this region, but nowadays a debate has again begun on getting rid of the pasuṛi of democracy so that the constant noise of dissent may end. There is also this pasuṛi: is enlightenment necessary, or can the country’s religious and ideological identity ensure its survival? Another recurring pasuṛi is whether the real issue is that provinces are too large, or whether governance can be made effective by creating more provinces—work is ongoing on this pasuṛi as well. Yet another pasuṛi exists between the civilian setup and the establishment. The establishment believes it is more organized, more responsible, and more honest, while civilian cadres believe that although the establishment’s people are disciplined, they lack an understanding of ground realities. There is also a pasuṛi over the parliamentary system versus the presidential system—why is neither proving effective? Religious interpretations regarding the state by the Taliban and religious extremists also repeatedly become a cause of pasuṛi. Lawyers are protesting, locked in a pasuṛi over judicial powers. Another pasuṛi is that the PML-N leadership is so angry over Imran’s governance that it is ready to surrender even its legitimate rights just to punish PTI supporters.

The biggest pasuṛi of Tazadistan these days, however, lies outside Adiala Jail, where meetings with the founder of PTI are restricted. Sometimes the Chief Minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sohail Afridi, stages a sit-in there; at other times, Aleema Khan and her sisters protest. When these scenes appear on social media, even Imran Khan’s fiercest opponents begin to soften. During Imran Khan’s tenure, ceiling fans were removed and air conditioners were switched offso now, by banning meetings, is the pasuṛi of traveling within the same vicious circle not being repeated?

This pasuṛi that is, the writer himself has been suffering from this pasuṛi for the past three years: that the only solution to the pasuṛi is negotiations, and then finding a possible path to reconciliation through those negotiations. Neither Nawaz Sharif accepted this proposal, nor was Imran Khan willing to change his stance, nor is the establishment ready to provide such relaxation, because it is convinced that Imran Khan cannot be guaranteed; even after reconciliation, he will seek revenge from everyone. Due to this three-way deadlock, a pasuṛi of dissatisfaction has spread across the country.

What is going to happen in the future? This pasuṛi has turned into a riddle that no one is able to solve. Apparently, everyone is silent; apparently, there is peace; apparently, there is control; the balance of power is heavy; there is no challenge; there is no threat from the opposition; far and wide, there is no threat even to the system. Apparently, there is no obstacle to making the 28th, 29th, and 30th Amendments. Apparently, there is no hindrance to turning the country into Egypt, Saudi Arabia, or China. Apparently, after winning the war, people have accepted system change as inevitable. Apparently, no matter how many hammers strike, daggers stab, or arrows rain down, the lifeless body will keep accepting everything.

But if we assume that everything is happening only apparently, and inside something else is brewing—then what will happen?