George Orwell wrote the world-famous works of fiction 1984 and Animal Farm, making conjectures about the future world and its conditions. Similarly, H. G. Wells wrote The War of the Worlds in 1898, narrating a fictional story of a Martian invasion of Earth. When its dramatic adaptation was broadcast on radio, many people believed that Mars had actually attacked Earth.

Today’s “Grand Plan” is a crude imitation of such great literature, because it is the construction and creation of a penniless journalist. Therefore, there is neither a need to take it seriously, nor to believe in it, nor to consider it true. Those writers were great people with great minds; this journalist has a small mind and frequently writes lies and fabricated stories—this too is one such lie.

To wonder about a new government, system, or individual—what they may do in the future—is a natural question. However, the present government and system have never stated anything about their future intentions. Hence, this is a hypothetical sketch entirely based on conjecture. From the diaries of Field Marshal Ayub Khan, which have now been published, it is clearly evident that he had already determined in advance the steps to be taken in the future.

Every government, whether it announces it or not, has a plan in mind. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif, Benazir Bhutto, General Zia-ul-Haq, and General Musharraf—all had their own plans to improve the country. Whether they succeeded in implementing them or not is another matter, but each certainly had dreams regarding the state system and governance. When General Bajwa arrived, it later became known what the thinking behind the “Bajwa Doctrine” was and to what extent it could be implemented.

No one knows the grand plan of the current system and government, because neither has there ever been an announcement about it, nor does the system believe that making announcements is necessary. The distinguishing feature of the current system’s grand plan is its belief in “silence is my language.” It relies less on words and more on actions.

Rumors regarding the current system’s grand plan are rife. Somewhere there are whispers of new sherwanis being stitched, and elsewhere murmurs of March and April. In my view, all of this is false. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif is a successful prime minister, and his working relationship with the establishment is excellent. In the ongoing tussle between the establishment and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, there is perhaps no better or more suitable choice than Shehbaz Sharif; therefore, there is no logical justification for any change.

However, critics of the current political government are correct in one objection: this government has failed to formulate a political narrative and make it popular. Even its supporters are dissatisfied with its “delivery.” It is this dissatisfaction that gives birth to the story of the grand plan—which is obviously based on conjecture and for which there is no material evidence. Yet speculation suggests that the grand plan feels the need for a “wonder boy.”

Shehbaz Sharif is gold, but now gold is not enough; a diamond is required—because years of negligence can only be ended by a diamond-like wonder boy. Whether wishes are fulfilled or not, there is no restriction on wishing. Therefore, somewhere this desire exists that members of the federal cabinet should be PhDs, as in Bangladesh; that they should have authority over their respective fields; and that there should also be a condition that they must have earned their PhDs from some reputable university of the world.

My intellect and logic are not satisfied by these hypothetical speculations. Moreover, the biggest obstacle in the assumption of this grand plan is this: if the system’s boat wants to become lighter by unloading political baggage so that it may move swiftly, the question is—at which station will this political baggage be unloaded? And after getting off the boat, will this baggage not board some opposing boat?

Physiognomists respond to such arguments by saying that the political baggage is crippled—without strength or influence. Its improvement lies in following one direction and one imam; it will quietly keep its head bowed and remain along with the system. Those given to conjecture believe that the grand plan will be strengthened by the idea of a “national government”—a national government in which all political parties will be included. The current political allies will be there, and if Imran Khan agrees under pressure or persuasion, then all the better. If he does not agree, even then an effective faction of his party will be part of this national government.

When the rumor-monger was asked: the country already has a parliament, a cabinet, and a full government—how will the grand plan be implemented in their presence? The rumor-monger had no sound argument, but his fabricated answer was that this same parliament will continue to function; changes will take place without any election, and this system—which is currently walking—will begin to run after the grand plan.

The problem is that three parties are entrenched in hereditary politics and monopoly, whereas the system’s current view of Imran Khan is that of a traitor or an unpatriotic person—someone who, under a specific agenda, seeks to weaken the Pakistan Armed Forces to benefit a foreign agenda. But the other political parties, too, are not considered spotless in the eyes of the system. The system is mentally distressed over corruption in one province, while on the other hand it complains that benefits have not reached the grassroots level in another province. The third province is aggrieved and, as such, already remains a thorn in the system’s eye.

Now, if the relationship between the system and current politics is so uneven, people will inevitably spread rumors of a grand plan. No matter how false these rumors may be, one thing is certain: the state is not satisfied with the government—but it is not extremely dissatisfied either.

Whether the grand plan has any reality or not, many people are already ready to be part of it. Some, according to past tradition, are opportunists—always ready, as before, to ride every new horse. Others, however, possess heartfelt concern and wish to improve the country; they too are waiting to board the train of this grand plan.

Interestingly, in recent days many electoral horses—those with hereditary constituencies—are also expecting that if something new happens, they will make the next major political decision. These include those sitting quietly, those who lost elections, and many from the N-League and the PPP as well. All of them believe that the grand plan will run for a long time; therefore, riding this new political truck and making a long, safe journey will enhance their political lifespan, stature, and value.

I doubt all these rumors and stories. But when there is mystery and complete silence regarding the political future, a nation that has survived in politics for more than a century cannot live without political gossip and speculation. Politics is ingrained in this nation’s temperament. In men’s gatherings, no matter what the topic is, the discussion eventually turns to politics. The biggest topic of these gatherings is Imran’s future, and nowadays the second major topic is Pakistan’s political future and the grand plan.

Thus, today’s writing revolves around this very hypothetical assumption that circles the grand plan:

Will it happen or not?

Does it exist or not?

I have no knowledge…